By Patricia Owens
Among conflict and Politics is the 1st ebook size examine of warfare within the considered one of many twentieth-century's most vital and unique political thinkers. Hannah Arendt's writing was once essentially rooted in her figuring out of warfare and its political importance. yet this portion of her paintings has strangely been missed in overseas and political concept. This e-book fills a huge hole via assessing the complete variety of Arendt's old and conceptual writing on warfare and introduces to overseas idea the special language she used to speak about conflict and the political global. It builds on her re-thinking of outdated suggestions akin to energy, violence, greatness, international, imperialism, evil, hypocrisy and humanity and introduces a few which are new to overseas notion like plurality, motion, agonism, natality and political immortality. the problems that Arendt handled all through her existence and paintings proceed to form the political global and her method of political pondering is still a resource of thought for these looking for suggestions now not in what to imagine yet the way to take into consideration politics and warfare. Re-reading Arendt's writing, solid via firsthand event of career and struggles for liberation, political founding and resistance in time of warfare, unearths a extra severe engagement with warfare than her prior readers have famous. Arendt's political thought makes extra experience whilst it truly is understood within the context of her puzzling over struggle and we will be able to take into consideration the background and concept of struggle, and foreign politics, in new methods by way of pondering with Arendt.This e-book is a undertaking of the Oxford Leverhulme Programme at the altering personality of battle.
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Additional info for Between War and Politics: International Relations and the Thought of Hannah Arendt
Quoting from the hoax parody of Rand Corporation (think tank) literature, Report from Iron Mountain (1967), she wrote, To speak of ‘the priority of war-making potential as the principal structuring force in society’, to maintain that ‘economic systems, political philosophies, and corpora juris serve and extend the war system, not vice versa’, to conclude that ‘war itself is the basic social system, within which other secondary modes of social organization conﬂict or conspire’—all this sounds much more plausible than Engels’ or Clausewitz’s nineteenth century formulas (CR, 111).
6 Arendt valued political agonism and conﬂict. She wanted the tensions, struggles, ambiguity, and fragility of political action, but not through 38 Between War and Politics violent combat. And she knew that if left untrammelled any such political system could implode (Villa 1996: 156–7). Greek foreign policy was so brutal, Arendt wrote, primarily because the untrammelled agonal spirit ‘made alliances between them well nigh impossible and poisoned the domestic life of the citizens with envy and mutual hatred .
But Arendt’s partisans, in the language developed by Schmitt, were nonetheless ‘the defensive-autochthonous defender of home’ (2006: 20). The French case was a ‘barricade war’. The power, the public freedom that emerged among the resisters—and this was central to Arendt’s lament—largely ceased with the end of the war. They did indeed ‘return to the old empty strife of conﬂicting ideologies . . , the endless polemics and intrigues of a paper war . . They had lost their treasure’ (BPF, 4). 8 If the power that emerges between partisans cannot be channelled into the conventional nation-state, if the resumption of ‘peace’ is not possible after a limited victory, then we are describing a fundamentally diﬀerent form of warfare and participant in war.